Austria’s right-wing extremists are the top candidate in Sunday’s elections. How did it get here?

CNN
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Austria goes to the polls this Sunday, with the populist, anti-immigrant Freedom Party (FPÖ) expected to emerge victorious, in what would mark another win for Europe’s far right.

However, unlike its competitors, the FPÖ is not an upstart and has previously been involved in coalition governments.

Since the FPÖ is unlikely to win an absolute majority according to current polls, it would have to rely on the support of other parties – and they could do so instead Work together to freeze it. Here’s what you need to know:

The FPÖ is considered the forefather of European right-wing extremist parties and represents an anti-migrant, anti-Islam, anti-European and anti-vaccination agenda. One of their typically provocative slogans was once “Love of homeland instead of Moroccan thieves”.

Benjamin Biard, a political scientist and research fellow at the Brussels-based think tank Center de Recherche et d’Information Socio-Politiques (CRISP), told CNN that the FPÖ shares “many characteristics” with other leading European far-right parties, citing the French National Rally (RN), the Flemish Vlaams Belang (VB), the Italian Lega and the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV).

But there is a crucial difference. Unlike, for example, the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD), which was founded in 2013 in response to Eurozone politics, the FPÖ was founded in the decade after the Nazi era and is deeply rooted in Austrian politics. It has been in power three times in coalition with other groups at the federal level, making it one of the few far-right parties in Europe to have achieved this.

On June 9, the party narrowly won the European Parliament (EP) elections in Austria for the first time with 25.5% of the vote and would like to transfer this momentum to the national level.

The party was founded in 1956 by former Nazis, but today denies any connection to National Socialism. Still, over the years it has followed a controversial path, trending from the far right to the center and back again.

“In its early years, the FPÖ represented all-Germanist ideas and wanted to pave the way for the return of National Socialism in Austria,” said Biard. “At that time it consisted mainly of Nazi sympathizers, pro-German nationalists and libertarians.”

Pan-Germanism was a 19th century^Th Century movement for the political unification of everyone who speaks German or a Germanic language.

The party’s liberal tendencies, Biard said, “gradually displaced the former position” and by the early 1980s It was “accepted as a legitimate competitor in the Austrian electoral landscape.”

Their political stance changed again when Jörg Haider – the son of former NSDAP members – became party chairman in 1986. Haider was a controversial figure who was known for once praising Nazi Germany’s employment policies.

“At a time when the FPÖ had ‘de-radicalized,’ Haider imported a populist style and program centered on social nationalism and economic liberalism,” Biard said.

The party’s rightward shift under Haider proved popular and it secured 27% of the vote in the October 1999 election and subsequently entered a coalition government with the center-right Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP). Haider himself remained out of the government, but his rise to prominence and the party’s presence in the Austrian government alarmed the EU and left it diplomatically isolated.

In recent years, the party has been embroiled in scandal again, most notably in 2019 during its second coalition government with the ÖVP. In the so-called “Ibiza Gate,” then-head of state Heinz-Christian Strache was caught on camera promising government contracts to a woman who claimed to be the niece of a Russian oligarch – leading to his resignation and the collapse of the coalition .

The FPÖ has been led by Herbert Kickl since 2021. A far-right strongman, he has vowed to turn Austria into a “fortress” if he comes to power and has described himself as the future “People’s Chancellor” or “People’s Chancellor,” a term that has drawn criticism because of how he describes himself referred to the FPÖ’s Nazi past.

What are the main policies of the FPÖ?

Key issues in the September 29 election include cost of living, immigration, climate change and the war in Ukraine. Austria has been struggling with high inflation and below-average growth for almost two years. It is also under pressure from European allies to curb its heavy reliance on Russian gas.

A foiled terrorist attack on a Taylor Swift concert in Vienna in August sparked a debate about domestic security, while this month’s widespread flooding, which killed five people and declared the whole of Lower Austria a disaster zone, put climate change at the forefront put on the agenda.

The FPÖ has successfully addressed some of these voter concerns. In its campaign manifesto, the party promised to tighten immigration rules and implement what it calls “remigration” – the return of people to the countries from which their families originally came, particularly in the case of criminals.

The FPÖ – which likes to market itself as a party of the working class and appeals to low-income earners who feel excluded – It also outlined measures to stimulate the economy, including tax breaks for young workers and lower taxes on savings.

The long-time anti-EU and supposedly pro-Russia party rejects the bloc’s sanctions against Russia and further aid supplies to Ukraine and argues that Austria should remain neutral. In contrast to its competitors, the FPÖ demands that Vienna must continue to rely on Russian gas supplies in order to prevent a rise in energy prices.

The party now sits in the EU Parliament in alliance with Hungary’s Fidesz, a party led by Viktor Orban – Russian leader Vladimir Putin’s closest ally in Europe.

Austria’s current coalition of ÖVP and Greens is trying to find ways to wean the country from Moscow’s supplies, with the energy minister calling this a “major economic and security risk.”

The far-right party has benefited from the fallout from the Covid-19 pandemic and is known for its staunch opposition to the vaccines, with Kickl previously condemning it as a “genetic engineering experiment”.

Heinisch Reinhardt, professor of comparative politics at the University of Salzburg, describes the FPÖ as “one of the most successful right-wing radical parties since the 1980s.”

Speaking to CNN, Reinhardt said: “They are strong because, like other populists, they occupy a part of the spectrum where they have little competition.” They generally oppose the positions of all other parties and are perfectly positioned to appeal to people , who are disillusioned with democracy, feel abandoned by elites and resent the political mainstream.”

He also points out that distrust of the Austrian ruling coalition – a “government of two ideologically different parties” that “disagree on almost everything” – is fueling support for the FPÖ.

“In this environment of discontent, the FPÖ has developed well, also because in Mr. Kickl it has probably the best communicator of all parties and a disciplined person with a sharp intellect that distinguishes him from his predecessors.”

Polls by local daily Der Standard show the FPÖ is on track with a narrow victory of 27%, ahead of its main rivals, the ruling ÖVP with 25% of the vote and the center-left Social Democrats (SPÖ). with 20%.

Should the FPÖ win, its only likely coalition partner would be the conservative ÖVP, with whom it has already served as a junior coalition partner twice.

The ÖVP’s current chancellor, Karl Nehammer, has expressed his unwillingness to work with Kickl, declaring this month that it is impossible “to form a government with someone who loves conspiracy theories.” However, he left the door open to working with the FPÖ without Kickl, with the two parties There is overlap on issues like immigration and tax cuts.

If the ÖVP gets confused in the polls, it could hold talks with the FPÖ or try to form Austria’s first three-party alliance – with the SPÖ and either the Greens or the liberal NEOS party.

According to Reinhard, the FPÖ is more likely to form a government if it comes second than if it comes first. “If the FPÖ is ahead, it could only form a government with the conservatives. However, it is questionable whether the ÖVP would like to be a junior partner in a coalition with the FPÖ, while it could be a senior partner in a coalition with the SPÖ and a third party.”

According to Reinhard, if a coalition between the ÖVP and SPÖ is numerically possible, this is the most likely outcome.

But Biard said it was “not ruled out that the FPÖ could join or even lead a coalition – which would be a first in Austria.”

“This would strengthen the weight and influence of the extreme right not only in Austria, but also at the European level.”