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Colombo, Sri Lanka – Versetzen Sie einen srilankischen Bürger aus den frühen 1990er Jahren in die letzte Woche der Inselpolitik, und Sie könnten ihm einfach das Gehirn brechen.

Damals wurde die Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), die marxistische Organisation, die heute vom neuen Präsidenten des Landes, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, geführt wird, in weiten Teilen des Südens Sri Lankas verunglimpft, weil sie zweimal einen gewaltsamen Aufstand versucht hatte. Zwischen 1987 und 1989 entfesselte die JVP neue Gräueltaten über eine Nation, die bereits von ethnischen Kriegen im Norden zerrissen war.

In den Jahren nach diesem Aufstand leitete Sri Lankas dritter Präsident Ranasinghe Premadasa angeblich Todesschwadronen, die junge Männer erschossen, die Dissanayake – bereits Mitglied des JVP-Kaders – als seinen Sahodarayo, das singhalesische Wort für Brüder, angesehen hätte. Es gibt oft erzählte Geschichten über die Leichen von JVP-Genossen, die Flüsse hinuntertreiben, eine erschreckende Warnung des Staates, die der Dreistigkeit der Morde der JVP selbst gerecht wird.

Im malerischen Dorf Batalanda leitete unterdessen angeblich ein junger Minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe – der Mann, den Dissanayake drei Jahrzehnte später als Präsident ablösen sollte – ein Internierungslager für JVP-Aktivisten. Es wird angenommen, dass viele dort gefoltert und getötet wurden.

Die moderne Geschichte Sri Lankas ist so blutgetränkt, dass die Einzelheiten dieser Gewaltstränge zwar in Wirbeln aus Leugnung, Propaganda und zynischem Revisionismus verwischt wurden, diese Geschichten und die Angst, die sie hervorriefen, jedoch jahrzehntelang Bestand hatten und die Politik der Insel prägten .

Und doch stimmten im September 2024 viele der südlichen Wählerschaften, die die JVP Ende der 1980er Jahre terrorisiert hatte, bei der Präsidentschaftswahl für den Parteichef Dissanayake. Er besiegte seine Gegner souverän: Sajith Premadasa, den Sohn von Ranasinghe, und Wickremesinghe selbst.

In der Woche seit seiner Wahl hat Dissanayake in seinen öffentlichen Ansprachen einen bemerkenswert sanften Ton angeschlagen.

„Wir haben unsere Unterstützer gebeten, nicht einmal Feuerwerk anzuzünden, um unseren Sieg zu feiern“, sagte Dissanayake in seiner ersten, spontanen Ansprache. Dies sollte verhindern, dass besiegte politische Gegner verärgert werden. „Wir müssen die Ära, in der wir durch Rasse, Religion, Klasse und Kaste gespalten sind, für immer beenden“, sagte er Tage später in einer längeren, aufgezeichneten Rede. „Wir werden stattdessen Programme starten, die die Vielfalt Sri Lankas verankern.“

Auch wenn es für neue Führungspersönlichkeiten nicht ungewöhnlich ist, sich in solchen Plattitüden zu äußern, ist es erwähnenswert, dass Sri Lankas letzter gewählter Präsident, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in seiner Antrittsrede im November 2019 den singhalesischen Chauvinismus befürwortet hatte.

Im Gegensatz dazu hatte Dissanayake bereits während seines Wahlkampfs versucht, die politische Stimmung zu senken, inmitten eines erbittert umkämpften Rennens. „Lasst uns diese hässliche politische Kultur der Belästigung politischer Gegner stoppen“, hatte er bei seiner letzten Kundgebung in Colombo gesagt. „In einer Demokratie besteht unser Recht darin, ihnen gegenüber unseren Standpunkt darzulegen; vielleicht ändern sie ihre Meinung. Aber selbst wenn sie es nicht tun, behalten sie das Recht, für eine politische Kraft ihrer Wahl zu arbeiten.“

Seit seiner Wahl hat er Sri Lankas erste Premierministerin eingesetzt, die nicht aus einer dynastischen politischen Familie stammt: Harini Amarasuriya. Amarasuriya ist kein Mitglied der JVP, sondern der National People’s Power (NPP), der gemäßigt linken Koalition, unter deren Banner sie und Dissanayake antraten. Dissanayake hat außerdem einen Minderheitsmuslim, Hanif Yousuf, zum Gouverneur der bevölkerungsreichsten Westprovinz Sri Lankas ernannt.

Um zu verstehen, wie eine Insel, die während eines Großteils ihrer Geschichte nach der Unabhängigkeit von Spaltungen geprägt war, zu diesem Zeitpunkt gelangt ist, müssen wir in ein turbulentes Jahr 2022 zurückkehren. Dissanayake war klug und hat seine politischen Momente geschickt gewählt. Aber er ist weit davon entfernt, der Architekt der Welle zu sein, die ihn in Sri Lankas höchstes politisches Amt gespült hat.

„Der Kampf“

Es waren die Stromausfälle in der schwülen Hitze im März und April 2022, die das Land in Aufruhr versetzten. Die Proteste gegen den damaligen Präsidenten Rajapaksa nahmen in den ersten Monaten zu. Vor dem großen, von Säulen umgebenen Präsidentensekretariat in der Nähe von Colombos Galle Face Green versammelten sich jede Nacht Tausende, wie weiße Blutkörperchen, die einen Krankheitserreger bekämpfen.

Die Bewegung erhielt bald den Namen Aragalaya auf Singhalesisch und Porattam auf Tamil – Wörter, die im Wesentlichen „der Kampf“ bedeuten. Innerhalb weniger Wochen wuchs die Bewegung in einem Land, das nach dem Absturz der Rupie knapp an Treibstoff, Gas zum Kochen und Strom war, rasch an. Ein paar Zelte außerhalb des Hauptstandorts Aragalaya weiteten sich schnell zu einem Dorf mit einem Theater, einer Bibliothek, Erste-Hilfe-Stationen, einer Kunstgalerie, einem kleinen Solarkraftwerk und später einem Kinozelt aus.

Während des Ramadan, im ersten Aragalaya-Monat, brachen Muslime mit Singhalesen und Tamilen das Fasten; die ersten Einrichtungen in diesem Dorf waren Kantinen, in denen Essen kostenlos zur Verfügung gestellt wurde. Rajapaksas Wahlkampf war in den Monaten nach den Osteranschlägen 2019 nicht nur äußerst islamfeindlich gewesen, sondern die von ihm geführte Regierung hatte während der Pandemie auch muslimische Bestattungen verboten und haltlos behauptet, dass verwesende Körper, die das COVID-19-Virus in sich trugen, das Grundwasser kontaminieren könnten. Muslime wurden gezwungen, ihre Toten einzuäschern.

Während sich Rajapaksas Regierung geweigert hatte, die Nationalhymne auf Tamil anzuerkennen, wurde auf dem Protestgelände Galle Face die tamilische Version gesungen. Während die Regierung am Jahrestag des 19. Mai ihren Sieg über tamilische Separatisten feierte, legten die Demonstranten Wert darauf, stattdessen an den Tod tamilischer Zivilisten während des grausamen Abschlusses der Kämpfe zu erinnern. In den Monaten April bis Juli gab es auch eine Gay-Pride-Parade, eine von Katholiken geführte Forderung nach Antworten auf die Osteranschläge und eine starke Beteiligung von Sri Lankern mit Behinderungen.

Die Aragalaya-Stätte war kaum ein utopischer Ort, und tatsächlich gab es erheblichen internen Widerstand gegen viele dieser Ereignisse sowie weit verbreitete Fälle von Homophobie, Transphobie und sexueller Belästigung. Dennoch war es möglicherweise die intensivste öffentliche Äußerung fortschrittlicher Ideen seit der Unabhängigkeit des Landes. Radikal reformistische Visionen für Sri Lanka wurden nicht nur toleriert, sie wurden oft diskutiert, verfeinert und gelegentlich auch gefördert.

Dass die anfänglichen Proteste in direkter und heftiger Opposition zu den Rajapaksas konzipiert wurden, ermöglichte Aktivisten, Zivilgesellschaft und Bürgern die seltene intellektuelle Freiheit, das gesamte politische Projekt der Rajapaksas ins Visier zu nehmen, zu dem auch der singhalesisch-buddhistische Nationalismus gehörte, dem sie angehörten die auffälligsten Champions des 21. Jahrhunderts. Viele dieser Kritiken wurden schnell und eindringlich in den sozialen Medien verbreitet, fanden aber auch in der Mainstream-Presse ihren Ausdruck.

Die vielleicht folgenreichste Vorstellung war, dass Sri Lanka sich selbst einen „74-jährigen Fluch“ auferlegt hatte. Der „Fluch“ bestand im Wesentlichen darin, dass die Bevölkerung seit der Unabhängigkeit von den Briten im Jahr 1948 zugelassen hatte, dass die politischen Eliten, die weitgehend in den beiden wichtigsten historischen Parteien Sri Lankas organisiert waren, die Insel abwechselnd plünderten.

In dieser Formulierung hatte die srilankische Bevölkerung zugelassen, dass sie durch die Interessen einiger weniger gespalten und ihnen unterworfen wurde. Sie waren nicht nur die Beherrschten, sondern auch die Narren. Es ist nicht entgangen, dass zwischen der Macht, die von fünf Familien ausgeübt wird – den Senanayakes, den Bandaranaikes, den Jayawardene-Wickremesinghes, den Rajapaksas und den Premadasas – fast die gesamte moderne politische Geschichte Sri Lankas durchlaufen wird.

Eine Nation mit kurzer Sicherung

Dass Sajith Premadasa, der Oppositionsführer gegen Rajapaksas scheiternde Regierung, die durch die Proteste geschaffene politische Chance nicht nutzen konnte, war nicht überraschend. Obwohl sein Vater, der dritte Präsident, aus bescheidenen Verhältnissen stammte, hatte Sajith in einem Internat im Vereinigten Königreich studiert und ein Praktikum bei einem US-amerikanischen Politiker absolviert. Als er seinen abtrünnigen Teil der United National Party leitete – historisch gesehen die Mitte-Rechts-Partei der beiden führenden Parteien Sri Lankas – hatte sich sein wahrgenommener Status in der politischen Elite verfestigt. Als er also mit der Absicht, Solidarität zu zeigen, am Hauptstandort von Aragalaya ankam, wurde er sofort – und aggressiv – in sein Fahrzeug zurückgetrieben, da die Demonstranten die Anwesenheit eines Mainstream-Politikers nicht dulden wollten.

Dissanayake hatte sich unterdessen lange vor Beginn der Proteste als Anti-Establishment-Stimme positioniert. Obwohl er als Jugendlicher in den Zügen, die durch sein Dorf in der Nord-Zentral-Provinz fuhren, Zigaretten und Bonbons verkauft hatte, stammte er im Wesentlichen aus der ländlichen Mittelschicht. An diese Wähler hat er sich schon immer am meisten gewandt. Obwohl er 2019 nur drei Prozent der Präsidentenstimmen erhalten hatte, genoss er in weiten Teilen des Südens dennoch sanfte Unterstützung.

Seit er 2014 Vorsitzender der JVP wurde, machte er sich nicht nur einen Namen, weil er sich im Parlament gegen Korruption und die Exzesse von Politikern aussprach, sondern auch als erfahrener Redner auf Singhalesisch. Vor allem junge Südstaatler waren von seinem entspannten Sprechstil und seinem schnellen, trockenen Witz angezogen worden; Während politische Gegner ihn oft mit kreischenden Schmähreden angriffen, konnte Dissanayake sie mit einzeiligen Schimpftiraden ausschalten.

Sein vielleicht klügster politischer Moment kam 2019, als er durch die Gründung der NPP seine eigene linke Partei deutlich in Richtung Mitte drängte und sie in kommenden Wahlzyklen zu einer brauchbaren Alternative zu den traditionellen Parteien machte.

Obwohl er den Angriff auf das politische Establishment mit der Desillusionierung gegenüber der Elite in Verbindung brachte, gehörte er auch in anderer Hinsicht zu den harmlosesten Politikern Sri Lankas. Er versprach eine größere Gleichberechtigung der Minderheiten, bekräftigte jedoch den in der Verfassung verankerten „vorrangigen Platz“ des Buddhismus im Leben Sri Lankas. Er sprach sich gegen die belastenden Bedingungen aus, die Sri Lankas Abkommen mit dem Internationalen Währungsfonds vielen Familien auferlegt, bekräftigte jedoch seine Entschlossenheit, ein neu ausgehandeltes IWF-Abkommen anzustreben. Er warb auch um internationale Unterstützung und legte besonderen Wert darauf, Indien zu signalisieren, dass seine Führung keine Bedrohung darstellen würde. Vieles davon wäre der JVP der vergangenen Jahrzehnte ein Gräuel gewesen.

Wenn Dissanayake zögerlich ist, liegt das vielleicht daran, dass er die Unsicherheit seiner politischen Position erkannt hat. Die Kräfte, die ihn zur Präsidentschaft gebracht haben, neigen dazu, sowohl Übermaß als auch Versagen zu bestrafen. Im Jahr 2015 entließ Sri Lanka Mahinda Rajapaksa – Gotabayas Bruder und wohl charismatischsten singhalesischen Politiker seit Generationen – als er eine beispiellose dritte Amtszeit als Präsident anstrebte. Im Jahr 2019 gab dieselbe Wählerschaft das Bündnis Maithripala Sirisena-Wickremesinghe auf, dessen Unfähigkeit eine so große Sicherheitsverletzung wie die Osteranschläge ermöglicht hatte, und stimmte für Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

Die Proteste von 2022 brachten eine neue politische Spannung hervor, als Sri Lanka in weniger als acht Jahren einen dritten Präsidenten absetzte. Da Wickremesinghe bei den Wahlen ebenfalls eine deutliche Niederlage erlitt, ist Dissanayake Sri Lankas fünftes Staatsoberhaupt in zehn Jahren. Eine Woche später herrscht Optimismus, dass er die Veränderung sein könnte, nach der sich Sri Lanka sehnt.

Und doch besteht auch das Gefühl, dass Dissanayake nur das nächste Experiment für die Menschen Sri Lankas ist – sie reiten derzeit auf dem Kamm einer Welle, die sich im letzten Jahrzehnt aufgebaut hat, können aber ebenso leicht von ihr verschluckt werden. Sollten sich die wirtschaftlichen Bedingungen in den Häusern verschlechtern, sei es durch makroökonomische Instabilität oder durch die unerträgliche Sparpolitik eines IWF-Programms, wären Dissanayake und das NPP gefährdet.

Die Menschen in Sri Lanka fühlen sich stärker denn je dazu befähigt, Veränderungen zu fordern.

Lawyers for Eric Adams on Monday asked a federal judge to throw out part of the New York mayor’s corruption case – insisting that Hizzoner did not take bribes as he pushed FDNY leadership to expedite the opening of a Turkish high-rise.

The quickly filed motion argues that one of the five criminal charges against Adams – bribery – should be dismissed less than a week after a federal grand jury handed down the bomb indictment.

Adams’ defense team also called the rest of the case filed by the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Manhattan “meritless” and attacked former aide Rana Abbasova, who is expected to serve as the FBI agents’ key witness.

“Despite the fact that the indictment reproduces quotes from messages, emails and conversations on numerous other matters, it does not allege any specific exchange or conversations in which Adams and the Turkish official entered into this alleged quid pro quo agreement,” his legal team wrote, At the same time, he referred to a recent US Supreme Court decision that has weakened anti-corruption laws.

Federal prosecutors accuse Adams, as de facto elected mayor, of pressuring the fire department to open a new 36-story Turkish consulate building in September 2021 without a fire inspection in exchange for free and heavily discounted luxury travel perks.

The indictment includes messages between Adams and the then-FDNY commissioner and details of swank flight upgrades and luxury hotel suite stays that Hizzoner received from Turkish supporters dating back to 2016.

The bribery charge, which the defense is seeking to drop, accuses Adams of accepting the bribes for luxury trips in 2021 and 2022 in exchange for leaning on the FDNY to push through the Turkish House of Representatives despite fire safety concerns .

Adams is also accused of encouraging Turkish benefactors to funnel money into his 2021 election campaign through illegal “straw donations” and of fraudulently obtaining $10 million in public campaign funds.

The first-term mayor has denied any wrongdoing and vowed to fight the case. He also resisted increasing calls for his resignation following the indictment.

The next hearing in the case, which has been assigned to District Judge Dale Ho, is scheduled for Wednesday.

Adams’ attorneys, including prominent attorney Alex Spiro, said in court documents Monday that the U.S. Attorney’s Office failed to show that Adams specifically agreed to accept a gift in exchange for exercising his government power, describing the allegations as ” vague”.

The texts sent by Adams calling on then-FDNY Commissioner Daniel Nigro to ensure that the Turkish Tower is opened in time for a visit by the Turkish president are merely “harmless” messages that do not amount to anything as “official acts” is required The lawyers claimed they were making a bribery allegation.

The motion argued that since Adams was only Brooklyn Borough President at the time, he did not have the authority to order the FDNY to take action regarding the Manhattan building.

The former NYPD captain had won the Democratic primary for mayor months earlier and was expected to easily win the November general election against Republican Curtis Sliwa.

“The government is effectively alleging that Adams used his potential future position as mayor to pressure public officials, rather than the official position he actually held,” the motion states.

“No precedent supports the notion that a candidate for office commits an official act by using her potential future powers to pressure a public official to take action.”

His lawyers also argued that allegations that he received travel benefits during a trip to Ghana after the glossy skyscraper opened could merely constitute “tips,” which they said did not fall within the scope of bribery laws.

The filing accuses prosecutors of attempting to criminalize “routine interactions of government officials” and claims the indictment “replaces moderate ethics rules with the ruthless rigor of federal criminal law.”

Adams’ lawyers called the remaining criminal charges “equally baseless” and argued that they were all based on “false allegations” by a “self-serving employee with an ax to grind,” citing Abbasova, a former employee and Turkish law enforcement liaison Community.

Sources told the Post that Abbasova was cooperating with authorities and was a key witness.

Adams’ lawyers presented no evidence to support their arguments against her – they simply claimed that “more will come to light as the litigation progresses.”

By BILL BARROW, Associated Press

ATLANTA (AP) — Republican JD Vance and Democrat Tim Walz meet Tuesday in the only vice presidential debate of the 2024 election, featuring undercards that have spent two months battling each other and the opposing candidates vying for the spots leading major parties come together.

The match, hosted by CBS News in New York, may not have the same stakes as the Sept. 10 debate between former President Donald Trump and Vice President Kamala Harris. But it offers her top lieutenants a new opportunity to step forward, vouch for their superiors and assume the time-honored role of a vice president: attack dog. It will include the largest television and online audience to watch No. 2 before Election Day.

Walz, the 60-year-old governor of Minnesota, and Vance, a 40-year-old US senator from Ohio, have been eyeing possible approaches for weeks. Before Harris picked him, Walz was the Democrat who coined “weird” as a derogatory slur for Republicans. Vance criticizes the governor’s progressive record as evidence that Democrats are too far left for voters.

Vance mocked his fellow veteran’s military service. Walz criticizes Vance’s opposition to abortion rights and his views on family life. Both men have demonstrated their credentials as small-town, middle-America residents – in contrast to Trump, the billionaire New Yorker, and Harris, a California native from the Bay Area.

It sets up a potentially violent night in Manhattan. Here are the dynamics to consider when the rivals meet in person for the first time:

Is it more Walz vs. Vance or Harris vs. Trump?

Running mates have a balancing act. Their main job is to advocate for their superiors. But a vice presidential candidate’s credibility and connection to the audience are important factors in achieving this goal. If a voter doesn’t like Messenger, they are less likely to buy the message.

As the debate begins, a new AP-NORC poll suggests Walz is more popular than Vance, potentially posing a greater challenge to the Republican.

The poll found that only a quarter of registered voters have a somewhat or very favorable opinion of the Ohio senator, while about half have a somewhat or very unfavorable opinion. About a quarter don’t know enough to say. Walz is rated positively by about 4 in 10 voters and negatively by about 3 in 10; The rest don’t know enough to say.

Still, Sen. Tim Kaine, a Virginia Democrat and 2016 vice presidential candidate, warned attendees not to think too much about themselves.

“The only advice that matters is to protect the top of the ticket,” Kaine insisted, recalling the 2000 duel between Republican Dick Cheney and Democrat Joe Lieberman. “Cheney continued to attack (Al) Gore, and Lieberman tried to make himself sympathetic instead of defending Gore. … You can’t leave attacks unanswered.”

Abortion rights and views on family will be at the forefront

Democrats believe abortion rights and reproductive health care will motivate their core voters and influence swing voters.

Walz has already tried to capitalize on this by mixing his story into the argument. The governor often talks about how he and his wife Gwen needed fertility treatments to have their daughter. Democrats excoriated Vance for his 2021 joke about “childless cat ladies” dotting American life. And Walz was eager to echo Harris’ emphasis on abortion rights as the anchor of her overall campaign theme: “Freedom.”

Vance and Trump, meanwhile, have struggled to deliver a unified message on abortion rights — a reflection of how politically sensitive the issue is for Republicans, as support for abortion access has waned since the Supreme Court’s 2022 Roe v. Repealing Wade has increased a woman’s constitutional right to have an abortion. Trump boasts about appointing conservatives who helped defeat Roe and return abortion regulation to state governments. Many Republicans now want to go beyond state bans and limit the process at the federal level, but Trump has suggested that repealing Roe is enough. He has also waffled about how he will vote on a referendum in Florida that would expand abortion rights.

Vance said in August that Trump would veto a national ban if it were approved by Congress. A few weeks later, during Trump’s debate with Harris, the former president declined to answer, saying, “I haven’t spoken to JD about it.” The Harris campaign amplified Vance’s statement as a Senate candidate that he wanted a nationwide ban of abortion.

Vance and Walz compete for economic advantage

Vance often makes clearer arguments than Trump when it comes to boosting American manufacturing, helping workers and punishing companies. He regularly attacks the Biden-Harris administration over inflation. If there’s one broad issue on which Vance wants to put Walz on the defensive and President Joe Biden on the Democratic ticket, it’s the economy.

For her part, Harris declares that “building the middle class will be a critical goal of my presidency.” She acknowledges the struggles of many consumers but generally defends Biden’s overall record of economic growth, low unemployment and rising wages since he inherited the COVID-19 freefall.

Both campaigns contain competing packages of economic proposals, including different tax cuts and subsidies for specific sectors. Expect the candidates to spend a lot of time convincing the dwindling portion of persuadable voters that their ticket better fits the everyday economic concerns of most U.S. households.

The two are expected to talk about their Central American roots

Even if the debate is about Harris and Trump, the two candidates have come here not least because of their respective biographies.

Trump’s election was an attempt to further solidify the Republican Party as an electoral vehicle for Middle America. The author of the memoir “Hillbilly Elegy,” who grew up in small-town Ohio, has roots that match his economic populism in a way that billionaire Trump does not.

Walz and Harris both grew up in the middle class, but Walz remains firmly rooted there, from his childhood on a farm in Nebraska to the high school classrooms of Minnesota before he ran for office. It is both a juxtaposition and an affirmation of Harris’ story as the daughter of an Indian mother and a Jamaican father.

Both men have made their families part of their political identities. Everyone has a working spouse. Walz has two children – a young adult and a teenager. Vance has three young sons. The Walzes and Vances are more traditional political families than those of the presidential candidates: Harris has adult stepchildren from her 10-year marriage to Doug Emhoff; Trump has five children from three marriages.

Even as they try to keep their bosses in the spotlight, expect both vice presidents to emphasize their own stories.

The responsibility for fact checking lies with the candidates

CBS announced Friday that it will be up to the candidates to remain honest with one another during Tuesday’s debate – a sticking point in previous debates this year.

In the June debate between Trump and Biden, CNN’s Jake Tapper and Dana Bash limited follow-up questions and did not fact-check any of the participants. In September’s Trump-Harris debate, ABC’s David Muir and Linsey Davis weighed in with factual corrections to some of Trump’s most glaring misrepresentations.

___

Associated Press writer Mary Clare Jalonick in Washington contributed to this report.

It’s no secret that Donald Trump admires Tesla CEO Elon Musk – and, perhaps more importantly, values ​​the votes Musk could receive from his passionate fan base. Musk, in turn, has echoed this sentiment and appears to have significant influence over the presidential candidate. That being said, the Biden administration’s policies for Tesla have been pretty good. The automaker has benefited from significant incentives for electric vehicles (EVs), including the $7,500 tax credit for US-made EVs and the removal of the 200,000 vehicle registration cap, a provision that had previously hurt Tesla. Republicans, on the other hand, generally oppose government subsidies for electric vehicles and renewable energy, preferring a free market approach. Trump has also taken an aggressive stance, suggesting that if elected he would end the federal electric vehicle mandate on day one. But despite the potential continuity of regulatory action under Democrats, Tesla’s CEO thinks the company could do better under Trump. Surprising? Not really.

Can Tesla be successful without subsidies?

We believe that Tesla is well-positioned not only to survive but also to thrive in a subsidy-free, market-based system as it is one of the lowest cost electric vehicle manufacturers. The company has always demonstrated discipline in managing its fixed costs, including research and development and SG&A expenses, which has enabled it to remain profitable even in difficult market conditions. Tesla has vertically integrated its operations – it controls much of its supply chain, from battery production to software development, and has significantly automated its manufacturing process. Tesla’s so-called Gigafactories also play a large role in the company’s cost structure by increasing economies of scale in battery production. Tesla also rarely spends money on flashy advertising. All of these factors have contributed to low costs and higher margins. Last quarter, Tesla delivered an adjusted profit margin of 7% despite industry headwinds and declining volumes. The company posted an impressive 17% margin in fiscal 2022, when the electric vehicle market was significantly cheaper.

As government subsidies are reduced or more likely eliminated under Trump, Tesla’s lower cost base becomes a key advantage. In a market where electric vehicle manufacturers can no longer rely on subsidies to offset inefficiencies, Tesla’s superior operating efficiency will potentially allow it to outlast its less efficient competitors. Rivian, for example – one of Tesla’s main competitors despite having a very compelling vehicle offering – has lost around $1.4 billion per quarter over the last two quarters. Without the support of government incentives, companies like Rivian could face a much more uncertain future. And it’s not just Rivian. Other automakers, including U.S. giants like GM and Ford, could also struggle in a subsidy-free landscape. Neither has yet achieved the scale or cost efficiency required to make electric vehicle operations profitable. GM, for example, sold only 22,000 electric vehicles out of a total of around 696,000 vehicles in the second quarter of 2024. This limited volume makes it difficult to achieve the same economies of scale as Tesla. Foreign automakers from Korea and Japan, which had planned to invest billions in the U.S. to take advantage of the $7,500 EV credit, may also reconsider their expansion in the U.S. market.

The performance of TSLA stock relative to the index has been quite volatile over the past three years. The stock’s returns were 50% in 2021, -65% in 2022, and 102% in 2023. In contrast, the Trefis High Quality Portfolio is significantly less volatile with a collection of 30 stocks. And it has outperformed the S&P 500 every year in the same period. Why is that? As a group, the stocks in the HQ Portfolio offered better returns with lower risk compared to the benchmark index. Less of a roller coaster ride, as the HQ portfolio performance metrics show. Despite the wild stock swings, Tesla will thrive even in a less favorable regulatory environment.

Trade barriers may give Tesla an edge over Chinese electric vehicles

In addition, Trump’s trade policies could strengthen Tesla’s position against its Chinese competitors. While the US has already imposed a 100 percent tariff on Chinese electric vehicles, Trump has suggested the possibility of a 200 percent tariff on Chinese electric vehicles built in Mexico and imported into the US. This would create significant headwinds for Chinese automakers trying to break into the U.S. market. Although Trump has invited Chinese automakers to build factories in the US, they are unlikely to make such a move given their significant capacity investments in China and the unpredictable regulatory environment. Most Chinese EV suppliers – with the exception of BYD and Li Auto – continue to make losses and it is not clear whether their manufacturing operations would be profitable anywhere else in the world without government support and higher labor costs. Even BYD, now the world’s largest electric vehicle maker, posted net margins of under 5% last quarter, despite robust demand and support in China. This is below Tesla’s margins. As tariffs and trade barriers increase, Tesla’s focus on domestic production and its cost efficiency could give the company a significant advantage over its domestic and foreign competitors.

Tesla’s energy business should hold up

Trump has been a proponent of increasing fossil fuel production and cutting renewable energy subsidies. However, Tesla’s battery business is well positioned to thrive regardless. The renewable energy market is expected to grow due to increasing cost competitiveness and global environmental concerns, making government policy less of a determining factor. According to the IEA, global renewable energy capacity could increase to 2.5 times its current level by 2030 and renewable energy is expected to be the largest source of global electricity generation by 2025, meaning the need for energy storage will only increase. Storage solutions respond to the fluctuations in renewable energy by storing excess energy and releasing it when demand increases. Tesla’s energy division is expanding rapidly, driven by its battery technologies. Last quarter, the company deployed a record 9.4 gigawatt hours (GWh) of storage solutions, driven by demand for its Megapack and Powerwall products. Tesla has a competitive advantage in energy density, cost and software integration for its batteries, and its significant investments in production capacity strengthen its position. Even without government support, Tesla’s energy business should be able to benefit from the growing renewable energy market. A closer look at Tesla’s rapidly growing clean energy business.

As investors keep their fingers crossed for a soft landing for the U.S. economy following interest rate cuts, the question is how bad things can get if another recession occurs. Our How Low Stocks Can Fall in a Market Crash dashboard tracks how key stocks have performed during and after the last six years Market crashes.

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BEIJING (AP) — Third-seeded Carlos Alcaraz reached the semifinals of the China Open for the second straight year after an impressive 7-5, 6-2 win over Karen Khachanov on Monday.

The 21-year-old Spaniard was typically relentless from the baseline, crushing 27th-seeded Khachanov’s service games and converting four of 12 breaks to win in 96 minutes.

“I always try to apply a little pressure when they’re pitching, just to tell them in a certain way that I’m going to be there,” Alcaraz said. “If they want to win the service game or beat me, they have to accept the fight and play really good tennis. For me, that’s what I’m constantly trying to show them.”

It was Alcaraz’s 46th win of the season and the victory enabled the reigning French Open and Wimbledon champion to climb back up to second place in the ATP Live Rankings over the absent Alexander Zverev.

Alcaraz will face Daniil Medvedev in the semifinals after the fifth-seeded Russian beat Flavio Cobolli of Italy 6-2, 6-4.

Medvedev, still hoping for his first title of the year, made 16 fewer unforced errors than the Italian and converted four of his eight break point chances, completing a solid 88-minute win.

Earlier, Andrey Rublev defeated Alejandro Davidovich Fokina 6-4, 7-5 in a match that was broadcast from Sunday due to a rain delay.

No. 6-ranked Rublev had six aces and 21 winners, extending his career record to 5-0 against Davidovich Fokina.

The fifth-seeded Russian faced No. 96 local Bu Yunchaokete in the quarterfinals later on Monday.

Sabalenka extends winning streak

Aryna Sabalenka’s dominant hardcourt season showed no signs of slowing down as she recorded her 14th straight win with a 6-2, 6-2 win over Ashlyn Krueger.

The three-time Grand Slam champion began her winning streak in August with a title in Cincinnati and continued it with a run to the championship at the US Open earlier this month. She also won the Australian Open earlier this year.

Second-seeded Sabalenka converted five of her seven break point chances in a one-sided battle against Krueger and will next face Madison Keys hoping to match her best 15 consecutive wins from the 2020-21 season.

“Well, maybe I’m not playing my best tennis right now,” Sabalenka said. “But I think the way I control my emotions and hold myself back sometimes really helps me stay in most matches, keep fighting in those difficult situations and keep playing my best tennis.”

Keys won 6:3, 6:3 against Beatrice Haddad Maia of Brazil. Haddad Maia won the Korea Open last week but struggled to combat Keys’ baseline strength.

Former No. 1 Naomi Osaka continued her positive start under new coach Patrick Mouratoglou with a 6-3, 6-2 win over Katie Volynets and moved into the round of 16 against sixth-seeded Coco Gauff.

It will be the first meeting between the two Grand Slam champions in more than two years, the direct series is tied 2-2.

“This will be a really cool test for me,” Osaka said. “She played really well this year. I’m excited to play the game and I know people are excited to watch the game.”

Osaka, who returned from maternity leave earlier this season and is No. 73 in the current rankings, fired five aces and produced three breaks of serve.

The four-time major winner joined Mouratoglou shortly before the China Open after parting ways with Wim Fisette. Their run here so far is the first time since May that Osaka has picked up three wins in a row.

Fifth-placed Jasmine Paolini had an unforgettable day when she lost 6-4, 6-0 to 45th-placed Pole Magda Linette.

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AP Tennis:

A Utah mother who was given just three months to live is raising money for her own funeral after “silently battling a rare, terminal cancer” for two years.

Erika Diarte-Carr, 30, originally set a goal of $5,000 for her GoFundMe campaign to cover the cost of a future service. Since then, however, more than 30,000 donors have helped her raise $900,000 as of Sunday, September 29 – the rest of the donations are intended for her to put into a trust fund for her two children.

Mother to Jeremiah, 7, and Aaliyah, 5, Erika described her children as her “whole life” in describing the fundraiser as she revealed in September that she has been battling small cell lung cancer for two years.

She was first diagnosed with cancer on May 7, 2022, when she went to the emergency room with what she thought was a “normal shoulder injury,” according to local station ABC4 and the single mother’s GoFundMe description. Now, she wrote, the doctor’s words are “replaying” in her head: “I hope you have a good support system at home because you are going to need it, you have a long and hard road ahead of you.”

“The doctor then told me that there were multiple tumors that had metastasized to other parts of my body, including my skeleton, and so we were able to find the tumor that was causing my shoulder pain,” Erika wrote. “By this point the damage had already been done. In that moment, my life and the lives of my children and everyone around us were changed forever.”

Less than two years later, on January 17, 2024, Erika was diagnosed with Cushing’s syndrome, which the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases describes as a condition caused by the body “overlong periods of time producing too much hormone cortisol”. Time span.” According to the institute, only 40 to 70 people out of a million suffer from Cushing’s.

“That’s when I started to flag and everything got worse,” she told ABC4, adding that this caused “most” of her health problems, including the inability to walk.

As the Utah mom explained on her GoFundMe, the diagnosis caused “so many other underlying issues,” including rapid weight gain and swelling, high blood pressure, Type 2 diabetes, “moon face,” muscle and bone loss, and more.

“Since my diagnosis, I have managed to continue working full-time, initially only taking two months off for surgeries, biopsies, appointments, and radiation and chemotherapy treatments,” she wrote. “All while still being a full-time mom. While I have an AMAZING support system, over time it has taken a huge financial, emotional, mental and physical toll on all of us.”

In an update to her campaign, citing an oncologist appointment on September 18, Erika wrote that she had since “decided to stop the treatments as they were no longer helping.” She revealed that she still had three months to live.

“3 months to spend with my babies and my loved ones. 3 months to make the most of the time I have left,” she wrote. “Over the next few months I need to make sure my kids are okay while I’m away. I now face the most difficult task of planning my own funeral.”

While Erika wrote that she is “ashamed and embarrassed for people to know the truth about her diagnosis,” she said that not asking for help is “no longer an option” for her, which led to her decision to to start their fundraising campaign.

After acknowledging her “great medical team” – including Carl Gray and Kylie Money of Ogden Hematology Oncology, Steven Brown of Tanner Clinic and Brandon Fisher – the mother wrote that any funds in excess of her funeral expenses will be placed in a trust fund for their children are paid in.

“It happened overnight. I never expected this,” Erika told ABC4 about the amount of money raised through the fundraiser, which surpassed $900,000 as of September 29th.

“I never expected that there would be a big memorial service or that many people would come forward and help me,” she added. “The way it went, I’m just shocked… just very grateful for everyone and everything that was there.”

“What we have seen is criminal groups that are invested in this region and are looking beyond this region for similar operations,” Hofmann says of international expansion.

The wealthy, authoritarian city of Dubai in the United Arab Emirates has become the largest epicenter of pig slaughter outside Southeast Asia since 2021. According to the United Nations, international migrants make up more than 88 percent of the UAE’s population, providing a uniquely diverse and potentially vulnerable workforce.

“Dubai is both a destination and a country of transition,” says Mina Chiang, founder and director of Humanity Research Consultancy, a social enterprise focused on human trafficking. “We can see a lot of connections actually operating in Dubai itself.”

In July, Humanity Research Consultancy identified at least six suspected scams believed to be operating in the Dubai area. The investigation – based on statements from forced laborers, leaked data from a cyberattack and social media posts – identified potential complexes around industrial and investment parks. These operations “are, to the best of our knowledge, managed by Chinese-speaking criminals,” the investigation says, adding that they operate in a similar manner to connections in Southeast Asia.

“They call it a writing center. But a huge scam call center,” reads a one-star review for a Dubai location on Google Maps. Another says: “It’s mainly poor people from Africa who work there and most of them are imprisoned in Dubai. No matter how much they offer you, everything is a scam. I strongly recommend never going there.”

Dubai Police did not respond to WIRED’s request for comment about potential fraud hubs in the city.

In Dubai, pig slaughterhouses may have emerged due to immigration and labor dynamics, but in several African countries this activity has emerged due to an existing culture of organized fraud.

In Nigeria, where digital fraud has been a major illicit industry on numerous platforms for years, it was almost inevitable that attackers would adopt the conceits and tactics of pig slaughter. The system has become so sophisticated that there are now readily available pre-built cryptocurrency investment platforms, templates and scripts for sale online for anyone who wants to get started. A gang already used to pulling off romance scams or business email compromise maneuvers could easily get used to the premise and rhythm of pig slaughter.

“If you look at West Africa’s history of social engineering stuff, it’s a powerful mix,” says Sean Gallagher, senior threat researcher at Sophos. “There are many people who see it as a way to make a living, especially in Nigeria. And the technology is easily transferable. We have seen pig slaughter packages for sale that contained fake crypto sites and scripts that appeared to be tailored to African victims.”

Nigerian law enforcement agencies are increasingly pursuing cases and even securing convictions specifically related to pig slaughter. Tokazowski of Gallagher and Intelligence for Good also say that while investigating and interacting with scammers, they have seen technical signs that attacks on pig slaughter could also be coming from Ghana. The US Embassy in Ghana has warned of the possibility of financial fraud from the country.

A basic idea about plumbing significantly reduces the household costs for the homeowners. With a little knowledge and a few minutes of time, you can save money on everything from repairing your pipes to conserving water.

Find and fix the leaks

Leaks from faucets and pipes are the most common plumbing problems in Indian homes. Very often, a single leaky tap can result in the loss of thousands of liters per year, driving up your water bill. Learn to detect leaks early and replace the worn washer or gasket to prevent water loss and possible damage to your property.

Being able to spot the signs of leaks underground, such as when an area of ​​your garden becomes unusually waterlogged, which then leads to unexpectedly high water bills, is an early detection feature. A person can help prevent such a situation by continuing to avoid large, extensive excavations and significant pipe replacement costs.

Water Heater Maintenance

Hard water is a common phenomenon in many cities in India and affects water heaters. If the geyser is constantly maintained, its lifespan will be extended and it will be energy efficient at the same time. For example, the sediment that accumulates inside a geyser needs to be cleaned. With this knowledge, frequent replacements can be avoided and electricity costs can be reduced.

Understanding water pressure

High water pressure may look good, but in reality it puts a strain on the plumbing system and can lead to leaks and equipment damage. When to check the water pressure in your home and how to install a pressure regulator if necessary are skills that can prevent your problems.

This is about DIY work

While hiring a professional plumber shouldn’t be ruled out, most small problems can be solved with simple handyman skills. Basic knowledge of how to unclog a drain, change faucets, or fix a running toilet will avoid the costs associated with unnecessary use of a plumber. At the same time, however, it is good to know and assess when the error exceeds your technical know-how and you should leave the matter to the experts, otherwise even more serious damage could occur.

Water Saving Techniques: Water efficient plumbing fixtures and low flow plumbing supplies

Water scarcity is beginning to manifest itself as an emerging problem in various hinterlands of this country. Implementing and applying efficient water use can help significantly reduce the high cost of water consumption bills. It consists of repairing low-flow faucets, reusing gray water in the garden and fixing leaks at the right time.

Selection of the appropriate components

Proper knowledge of the appropriate plumbing material according to the type of water in your area can avoid frequent replacements. For example, if your area has hard water, PVC insulated pipes can prevent buildup and corrosion. This, in turn, increases the lifespan of the plumbing appliances used in households.

Preventive maintenance

This means that if you regularly check your plumbing system, you may be able to spot some problems over time. Just catching and testing leaks, two of the most basic things we can do, will prevent some disgustingly expensive plumbing crises. Make sure you understand several factors, such as local plumbing codes. By understanding local plumbing codes, we are able to avoid several costly mistakes that can occur when renovating or building a new home.

With this knowledge, your plumbing work will not be subject to such fines and necessary corrections for expensive work later on. This will therefore help you save hundreds of thousands of rupees every year by understanding your home plumbing better. On the other hand, the key to saving money on plumbing is time-consuming measures: proactivity, timely repair, rational selection of materials and water. Plus, this knowledge will save you money while contributing to water conservation efforts in our community.

(The author is a National President of the Indian Plumbing Association)