Organized crime has gained a foothold in Quito | International

The violence in Ecuador, which has brought entire regions under the control of gangs, is now spreading to major cities that previously seemed far removed from organized crime.

A clear example of this situation is Quito, the capital of Ecuador, where 24 violent crimes were recorded in a single month. This corresponds to an increase of 30% compared to the same period last year. These cases include armed attacks on two officers of the SNAI, the institution responsible for the penal system. In response to the increasing insecurity that can no longer be controlled, the government of President Daniel Noboa declared the latest state of emergency in Quito. This is the first time this has happened in the capital.

Over the past four years, residents of the capital have watched the increase in violence from afar. So far they have focused on the cities that are part of the drug trafficking route that starts in the border areas with Colombia and Peru, crosses part of the Amazon and the entire Ecuadorian coast and reaches the ports from which the drugs are stored in the United States and exported to Europe. Until recently, Quito did not appear on the drug trafficking map. However, in the last two months, there have been intense shootings in certain areas of the capital, raising alarm.

The street known as La Jota in the Solanda district in the south of the city vibrates with the hustle and bustle of informal commerce. Passers-by search for even the most unusual objects, confident that they will find them in the small shops along the sidewalks. There, retailers compete for customers by offering the best prices and various free offers. But one night in August, the activity was interrupted by men on two motorcycles who fired several shots at five young people. They tried to escape amid the panic and screams of those seeking shelter from stray bullets. Three of the young people were killed and two were injured. A few days earlier, the community had been shaken by the murder of a man who was killed on the doorstep of his home.

“Solanda is a city within a city,” explains Fernando Chamba, a neighborhood leader. He emphasizes the high population density: 130,000 people live in Solanda. “The neighborhood is not immune to social decay. Many of our neighbors emigrated during the baking crisis in 1999; some returned [to Ecuador]but many young people were left to fend for themselves,” Chamba continues.

A similar pattern is repeated in other parts of the city, such as Quitumbe, Calderón and Comité del Pueblo. These districts face violence and other general social problems that increase the population’s vulnerability: unemployment, truancy, lack of access to higher education, displacement of people from other provinces and an influx of foreign migration.

For Carolina Andrade – the security minister of the municipality of Quito – the violence in the capital is characterized by internal cocaine trafficking networks. “32 percent of the drugs seized are for internal consumption; It is a very strong market and that increases criminal violence,” the official tells EL PAÍS.

In addition, since 2022 – when firearm ownership laws were relaxed – 80% of murders and robberies have been committed with firearms. Knives used to be the weapon of choice. This situation has increased the presence of large gangs such as Los Lobos, Choneros, Latin Kings and Chone Killers, who have taken their fight to the streets of Quito. They are trying to impose their own rule of law, just as they did in the coastal provinces. There, neither the state of emergency nor curfews were able to curb violence in the areas controlled by criminal groups.

In Quito, traffic accidents – mainly caused by drunk drivers – are the main causes of death, followed by suicides. In third place are homicides. “As of September, we have seen a 13% decline compared to 2023, which is significant in the national context. However, this gap has closed at a worrying rate in the last two months,” admits Andrade.

Nevertheless, the declaration of a state of emergency surprised the city council. “Unfortunately, it was not a decision agreed or discussed with the municipality of Quito. The [executive branch] acted within its authority in managing security,” says Andrade, who believes the decision has political connotations in the run-up to the 2025 presidential election. She also points out that the impact of the state of emergency on the city’s image – and on tourism – has not been taken into account.

“Tourists don’t know what it means to live in a state of emergency,” she adds. However, she points out that since the decree came into force, the police and military presence has increased in several districts, which had previously been concentrated in other provinces of the country where there is a permanent state of emergency. This deployment has reduced the logistical and operational capabilities of the police in the capital.

The state of emergency imposed for 60 days also allows for the suspension of certain civil liberties. “We hope that this will be an opportunity for police to conduct searches related to ongoing investigations… this will be a tool for strategic arrests,” explains Andrade.

Quito, unlike other cities, houses the most important state institutions, the justice system and the Attorney General’s Office. This increases the risks and threats posed by organized crime, particularly in the pre-election context. The shadow of slain presidential candidate Fernando Villavicencio – who was murdered in August 2023 as he left a political rally in the north of the city – weighs heavily on the capital. So far, five members of a criminal gang – Los Lobos – have been convicted as perpetrators of the crime. However, it is unknown who ordered Villavicencio’s murder.

As long as the veil of impunity remains, the capital remains vulnerable to new episodes of violence that could change the country’s history.

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