Opinion: What I learned from my dinner with Fidel Castro about the most controversial world leader of his time

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Lloyd Axworthy is Chair of the World Refugee and Migration Council and former Canadian Foreign Minister. He is the author of My life in politicsfrom which this article was adopted.

At a dinner at the Revolutionary Palace in Havana at the end of January 1997, Fidel Castro shared with me his recipe for vegetable soup. It wasn’t a major diplomatic coup, but it represented a step in interaction with “El Comandante” that attracted a lot of attention during my tenure at Foreign Affairs. It was an opportunity to see one of the most dominant, long-lasting and controversial world leaders of the late 20th and early 21st centuries in action.

Fidel was a large man, well over six feet tall, but what had been impressive about his demeanor during his time as a guerrilla fighter was missing in this encounter. He was affable, chatty, and engaging, and seemed to enjoy the exchange of opinions and the convenience of our shared interests in baseball, politics (in that order), and soup! During dinner, my admiration for the vegetables served was such that Castro noted with obvious pride that they were grown in his garden, which he personally tended. Great, I thought, a topic worth delving into, one of those gems you need in close social encounters with foreign leaders. I followed this topic of conversation and he responded by giving me the soup recipe. Our Ambassador Mark Entwistle, who sat with us at dinner, was visibly astonished by this unorthodox diplomatic insight. For me, the recipe was a surprise, but a remarkable gesture that signaled to me that there was an opening in our relationship that went beyond the typical diplomatic bafflement.

In a more private moment after dinner, I was able to name some Cuban dissidents and ask for their release from prison. Eventually there was an agreement for their resettlement in Canada. The next afternoon, I signed with my counterpart, Foreign Minister Roberto Robaina González, an agreement that committed both countries to meetings on women’s and children’s rights, examined Cuba’s accession to the UN Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and established clear rules for this international Funding Cuban NGOs. In return, we agreed to support projects that could help their economy, such as a land surveying system. It was the beginning of a dialogue that lasted as long as I was Foreign Minister.

This event had historical roots. In January 1976, Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau visited Cuba, established personal relations with Mr. Castro and took a markedly different Canadian diplomatic stance toward Cuba. In contrast to American politics, which portrayed the small country as a dangerous, communist threat (just 150 kilometers from Florida), a perception created by Cuban exiles who fled the country after the fall of the Batista dictatorship. They established political bases in the key states of Florida and New Jersey and heavily influenced both the Democratic and Republican parties. Canada did not have the same political pressure.

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The Americans used assassinations, invasions and embargoes as tools against the Cuban regime. Successive Canadian governments (the exception of Stephen Harper) worked toward what we called “constructive engagement,” linking the challenges of Cuban human rights abuses to efforts to more fully integrate Cuba into international agreements in the Western Hemisphere. Diplomacy does not require support of another country’s position. It requires the openness to sit down and listen, to find out the possible areas of agreement, or at least to choose an agreement with which one disagrees.

There was a heated argument with the Americans over US legislation called the Helms-Burton Act, which imposed extraterritorial penalties on companies that took over assets from Cuban exiles. Several Canadian companies were involved. We fought back, as did the Europeans, and received a positive response from other countries in America who were fed up with the US’s bullish stance. We have shown our business community that their interests are our top priority. The Clinton administration felt the pressure and delayed implementing penalties. I opened a dialogue with Secretary of State Madeline Albright, who privately agreed with our initiative as long as I kept her informed of our actions, another expression of the growing trust we had in each other.

This also led to offers of talks from Cuban Vice President Carlos Lage Davila. He and I began a series of private meetings. In an outdated replica of a Tudor-style English inn near Heathrow, we agreed to begin formal discussions. Prime Minister Jean Chrétien then authorized me to travel to Cuba and meet Mr. Castro. This was the first official visit since Mr. Trudeau’s in 1976 and the one that spawned the soup recipe. Mr. Chrétien followed up with a visit to Cuba in April 1998 and used this as an opportunity to persuade Mr. Castro to rejoin the Organization of American States (OAS) at its summit in Canada, a priority for the prime minister. The issue of human rights dominated media coverage, but the plan to bring dissident prisoners to Canada could not be made public. The US government’s reaction was slightly critical. The US media was scathing. Other governments in America applauded our offers.

Continuing to pursue this policy of constructive engagement, I visited Havana again in early January 1999, which resulted in another memorable engagement with Fidel. On the morning of January 9, I was on the island visiting a camp that the Cubans had set up to treat children affected by radiation from the Chernobyl disaster. Officials from our embassy called and said they had received word that Fidel had said he would come for lunch. A completely surprising visit. We immediately flew back in a very clunky Soviet-style helicopter and arrived to see “El Présidente,” his long figure comfortably seated in a wicker chair on the summer porch. (I have the photo.) His first words were in Spanish: “What took you so long?”

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At lunch we began with the usual pleasantries. Having a conversation through a translator is often a bit like taking a bath with socks on – however, there are some obstacles to the full experience. But that day and the “soup visit” before that, our conversation went smoothly. His knowledge of English was good and he used it whenever it occurred to him, but relied mainly on his native Spanish.

The serious conversation began after lunch and lasted for the next two hours. My argument for him was that he could best serve his own people by lifting restrictions on freedom of speech and assembly and joining multilateral organizations that would offset the U.S. embargo and allow Cubans to develop exportable skills and products. He countered that any relaxation of strict police control would allow the CIA and U.S. right-backed groups to foment distrust and unrest in the country. It was a classic debate – security of the state versus freedoms for the people.

Fidel noted that during Pope John Paul II’s recent visit, foreign (e.g. American) agents fomented dissent and calls for subversion. My counter-argument was that membership in the OAS and joining UN human rights organizations would constitute a counterbalance. There was no conclusion to the debate, but it was a serious discussion with a lot at stake and not a fixed rhetorical positioning. We were betting on offering Cubans an alternative path instead of being in the thrall of one great power (Russia) and the economic and political stranglehold of another (the United States). After that, progress stalled. The Cuban government was apparently unsettled by the civil unrest following the Pope’s visit and began cracking down on political dissidents. The hardliners in the government were on the rise; The more progressive leaders like Mr. Lage and Mr. Robaina were fired. Cuba remained in perpetual economic and political decline. According to recent reports, Cuba is again asking Russia for bailouts. The U.S. embargo remains a persistent obstacle, and hostility between the two countries driven by domestic political imperatives continues to distort hemispheric efforts at cooperation. Cuban emigration is increasing. Canada no longer plays a major role.

I had another encounter with the Cubans that showed there was still a touch of respect. The Pan Am Games took place in Winnipeg in July 1999. Cuba and Canada were supposed to meet in the baseball finals and I was supposed to present medals to the winner. I received a message from the manager of the Cuban team who wanted to meet. He was a long-time Fidel supporter and was known to our security officials. His request was simple: “If Cuba wins, would you still give them the gold?” No reservations on my part. When Cuba won a close game 3-2, I presented the medals and congratulated the Cuban team.

A month later I received a brown package from the Cuban embassy – a box of Cohiba cigars signed by Fidel. The now empty box is put away for safe storage.